Wilson's Food for Thought

So I was thinking . . . Callie has been sharing her work during this semester complete with pictures and descriptions and recipes, and I thought that I might do the same.  Obviously, my work has been more theoretical and certainly less satisfying in terms of your ability to eat it, but I wanted to share a little of what I've been thinking about and working on over the course of this past term.  

The paper below was written for my class in "Australia in Diplomacy, Defence and Trade," which was a survey of Australia's regional and international foreign policy involvement since the time of Federation.  I know that it's a little longer than normal posts, but I hope it provides some understanding of Australia's strategic worldview and offers a window into my work during our time in Australia.  While it is unquestionably less appetizing than Callie's work, I hope that it is equally informative.  Enjoy.

The Case for Continuity: A Historical Examination of Australia's Foreign Policy

Introduction
Over the relatively brief historical period since Federation in 1901, Australia has accumulated a significant body of foreign policy experience. From its considerable involvement in the First World War to the current military deployment in Afghanistan, from helping institutionalize the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation to managing the Sandline Affair in Papua New Guinea, Australia has exercised a substantial role both within its region and in relation to the broader international system. While policies have often been revised, adjusted, or redefined in response to particular circumstances or to meet the political proclivities of individual governments, Australia’s strategic thinking reflects a remarkable degree of consistency. This is not to suggest that Australia’s foreign policy has not changed over the last century because it certainly has. Rather, throughout history, Australia seems to exhibit similar concerns and priorities relative to its international position and geo-strategic interests, thereby imbuing its foreign policy with a general sense of continuity.

Due to its limited influence as an international middle power and its geographic position between Asia and North America, Australia is confronted with a peculiar tension. The United States is Australia’s closest strategic ally, a military and economic relationship that has been vigorously cultivated over the last century. However, Australia is geographically positioned on the edge of Asia, a region that is now commanding a greater proportion of Australia’s economic interest and resources. While this particular tension is a more recent development in Australian foreign relations, Australians have always demonstrated an awareness of their precarious strategic environment (Gyngell and Wesley 2007). Fearful of great power conflict or uncertain about regional instability, Australia appears to be acutely cognizant of its changing surroundings, which provides the basis for understanding the continuity in its foreign relations.

Specifically, Australia’s foreign policy reveals a commitment to multilateralism and the use of international institutions, an inclination towards more assertive and activist decision- making, a disposition towards pragmatic policy thinking, and a penchant for “coalition-building diplomacy” (Gyngell and Wesley 2007). These common policy features are shaped by Australia’s external geo-strategic environment, and they are derived from Australia’s broader desire for regional stability and normalized relations. The following essay will explore three areas of foreign policy that evidence this tendency: the strategic alliance with the U.S., the relationship with Indonesia concerning the situation in East Timor, and the deepening economic cooperation with China. In each of these instances, as with other foreign policy events throughout its history, Australia has exhibited a consistent commitment to maintain a sense of strategic equilibrium, and it is this interest in regional stability and cooperation which upholds the thesis of continuity.

Strategic Partners: The U.S. Alliance
Arguably the most important component of Australia’s external relations is the alliance with the United States. Beginning with the arrival of the Great White Fleet in 1908 and particularly due to America’s action in arresting Japanese aggression in the South Pacific during World War II, Australia became and has remained a loyal partner of the United States (Alves 1993). Moreover, with the ascendancy of the U.S. in the post-war world, the Australia-U.S. relationship developed into a way for Australia, by joining with a larger power, to protect both itself and its regional interests (Tow & Albinski 2002). As such, the Australia-U.S. relationship is the basis for ensuring Australia’s strategic protection and stability. In terms of security continuity, Australia has fought beside the United States in every major military conflict from Korea to the current War in Iraq. Australia and the U.S. share a binding defence agreement in the ANZUS Treaty. And every government- both Labor and Coalition- have, with varying degrees of intensity, supported the U.S. alliance (Edwards 2005). More recently, with the events of 11 September 2001, the bilateral relationship between Australia and the U.S. has intensified as Australia enthusiastically joined the “coalition of the willing” in both Afghanistan and Iraq. Additionally, Australia has been an active partner in terms of supporting the Bush Administration’s anti-terrorism policy in the region, and both nations have increased intelligence sharing and defence force cooperation (Bell 2007). While there are obvious challenges and points of divergence within the Australian-American relationship, such as in regards to China and the prospect of global power redistribution, there can be little doubt that sustaining such a relationship, at least for now, is necessary to protect Australia’s regional security interests (Edwards 2005).

In terms of economic continuity, Australia’s alliance arrangement with the U.S. has facilitated stable trade relations both between Australia and North America and between Australia and the Asia-Pacific. While a formal free trade agreement between Australia and the U.S. was not codified until 2004, the U.S. has always been a significant market for Australian exports and a source of high-quality goods and services (Gyngell and Wesley 2007, DFAT Country). Furthermore, thanks to the wider U.S. bilateral alliance system, Australia has been able to enjoy stable trade relations with U.S. partners in the region, specifically Japan and South Korea who rank first and fourth respectively as the top destination for Australian exports (DFAT Trade). In terms of a specific policy action that indicates continuity, Australia’s support for the creation of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation is highly instructive. Wanting to avoid East Asian economic asymmetry should the United States withdraw from the region following the end of the Cold War, Australia effectively lobbied to incorporate the U.S. into the regional architecture of the Asia-Pacific (Gyngell and Wesley 2007). On the surface, such a position reveals Australia’s reliable commitment to the U.S., but at a deeper level, it demonstrates Australia’s underlying concern about the prospect of regional imbalance. With the creation of APEC, Australia is able to enjoy a forum that engages the U.S. as a counterweight to the economic powers in East Asia, which is congruent with Australia’s guiding overall interest in strategic equilibrium.

Indonesia and the Case of East Timor
As Australia’s largest regional neighbor, Indonesia has been a long-standing source of concern and anxiety for Australian policy makers, and no one area was more problematic than the situation in East Timor (McDougall 2007; Ayson 2007). Before 2000, Australia, wanting to “maintain a strong bilateral relationship”, had supported Indonesia’s territorial incorporation of East Timor with very few reservations (Goldsworthy 2003). According to James Cotton, “governments of both persuasions had regarded the question of positive relations with Indonesia to be of far greater moment than the right to self-determination of the East Timorese” (2001). This policy stance unequivocally supports the notion of continuity developed earlier, as Australia was acting in such a way to preserve stable relations between states. However, as the situation deteriorated, with reports of mass killings, forced starvation and sexual violence against the East Timorese, Canberra did gradually adjust its position. Australia supported an act of self-determination for the East Timorese, and following a period of election violence and intimidation, actually led a UN peacekeeping operation know as UNAMET (Cotton 2001). While this adjustment apparently undermines the continuity in Australian thinking, the change is nonetheless compatible with Australia’s attention to wider regional interests.

In the period before 2000, Australian policy continuity relative to Indonesia was easily identifiable. As previously mentioned, Australia was more concerned about preserving stable relations with Indonesia, particularly given the negotiations of the Timor Gap Treaty that would give Australia claim to potentially undiscovered petroleum reserves. Furthermore, within the wider conditions of the Cold War, Australia was not inclined to confront a regime that was fighting- albeit brutally- against communist expansion. Thus, Australia’s action can been observed as seeking to safeguard regional balance at the expense of East Timor’s sovereignty. Once Australia began to incrementally redefine its policy, however, continuity, although still present, was somewhat more difficult to identify. First of all, the change in Australia’s position was arguably encouraged by growing international pressure to resolve the crisis (Goldsworthy 2003). Within this context, Australia’s actions helped diffuse such pressure, thereby returning a sense of stability to the region. At the same time, Australia’s leadership in UNAMET focused specifically on incorporating the operation’s ASEAN representatives, a gesture that signaled a commitment to coalition-building diplomacy and wider regional engagement (McDougall 2007; Goldsworthy 2003). Lastly, subsequent Australian governments have been conspicuously silent in pursing accountability for Indonesian leadership for the atrocities in East Timor, which seemingly supports the notion that Australia is still concerned about not upsetting the sensitivities of its largest neighbor (Akerman 2008). Thus, while Australia did alter its position towards Indonesia and East Timor, it did so in such a way that upheld its geo-strategic interests by assuaging international concern and facilitating regional cooperation- both of which helped stabilize relations.

Growing Economic Cooperation: China
There is perhaps no better example of Australia’s pragmatic desire to maintain strategic balance than its policy towards China. Undoubtedly precipitated by the incredible expansion in trade, Australia’s current relationship with China has “deepened and broadened to an extent that few observers had forseen” (Zhang 2007; Frost 2007). China is now Australia’s second largest trading partner, driven primarily by China’s seemingly unquenchable demand for energy and mineral resources, and this increasing economic cooperation has encouraged greater political, security, and cultural integration (DFAT Trade; Zhang 2007). However, Australia’s relationship with China has not always been harmonious, as Australia is particularly vulnerable to acrimony in U.S.-China relations (Malik 2001). As discussed earlier, Australia has been willing to diverge from specific U.S. interests, and this divergence, on several key policy issues related to China, provides considerable evidence of Australia’s longstanding commitment to regional stability.

Foremost, Australia has been more openly conciliatory “towards Beijing on such sensitive issues as human rights, the future of Taiwan, and North Korea” (Bell 2007). These positions are visibly incongruent with U.S. policy, but from Australia’s perspective, they are necessary to manage the inherent economic and political asymmetry in Australia-China relations (Tow 2008; Zhang 2007). In other words, Australia is forced to moderate its policy towards China because of its economic dependence and geographic proximity, which reinforces the stability continuity thesis. Additionally, Australia was strongly supportive of China’s bid to join the World Trade Organization and to host the 2008 Olympic Games. These actions demonstrate a practical attention to the Australia-China relationship, as “Canberra displayed an increasing willingness to accommodate China’s growing influence in the region” (Zhang 2007). The result has been increased high-level government visits, institutionalized dialogue, people-to-people networking, and the beginnings of negotiations on a free trade agreement (Zhang 2007). Each of these developments has augmented the bilateral relationship between Australia and China, and in so doing, it helps protect against the prospect of significant regional disturbance. Thus, as with other areas of Australian foreign relations, continuity exists in the dominant commitment to preserve regional constancy.

Conclusions
In the final analysis, continuity in Australian foreign affairs is defined not by an unwavering or inalterable commitment to any one country or policy, but rather it is characterized by an enduring commitment to maintain balance in its strategic environment. Given its relative size and strength, Australia simply cannot afford to offend or alienate its larger regional neighbors, and this reality is specifically visible in Australian policy towards the U.S., Indonesia and China. The inevitable consequence of this situation is that Australia’s interests are best served by managing its external affairs in an extremely careful and pragmatic way so as to preserve stable relations. Australia’s use of coalition-building diplomacy and its affection for multilateral institutions are explicit manifestations of these interests, and while there may be policy inconsistencies towards an individual country or issue (such as with the aforementioned case of East Timor), the broader commitment to stability permeates Australia’s thinking. Certainly the desire for regional equilibrium is not uniquely Australian; understandably, most countries seek stable foreign relations. However, with Australia’s precarious position juxtaposed between the competing loyalties of North America and Asia, strategic balance is a greater imperative if Australia is to thrive in the times ahead.

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Cotton, J. 2001, The National Interest in a Global Era: Australia in World Affairs, 1996-2000, Ed. James Cotton and John Ravenhill, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

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Now Wilson has always told me that he knows how to sail, and I never really doubted him, but it was about time that he proved this claim.  And that's exactly what he did Friday at the Sydney Cove Rotary Club's annual charity regatta.  After donning ourselves in those oh-so-flattering Rotary baseball caps (see exhibit A), the event organizers put us to work welcoming the regatta participants and loading the yachts with the day's rations of beer and wine.  Our volunteer efforts in the morning were certainly rewarded, as skippers Rob and Sue welcomed us aboard their 47-foot luxury sailboat "Shiralee" for the duration of the race.  Shiralee was among the ranks of some of Australia's most famous racing sailboats, many of which participate in the annual Sydney to Hobart race.  Needless to say we were humbled by the opportunity, and I was particularly excited to be on a sailboat for the first time in my life.  

When Rob called for assistance managing the sails, Wilson jumped at the chance and was placed in charge of the starboard foresail sheet (translation: the rope on the right side that controls the sail in the front).  Apparently the sailing community speaks an entirely different language; I quickly learned what "tack" means once I flew from my comfortable upright position into the floorboard as the boat heeled (tilted) to one side at a very steep angle.  And then I almost flipped over backwards into the shark-laden harbour when we tacked in the opposite direction.  Eventually I got the hang of it and Wilson proved to be a competent sailor.  In fact, he's planning to crew with Rob and Sue this Wednesday evening during their weekly sunset race (which will be good since he has ample free time now that class is over).

After a good night's sleep and a morning swim, we made our way into the city to catch a train to Katoomba, a town in the Blue Mountains.  What was supposed to be a two-hour train ride turned into an hour wait, then an hour and a half bus ride, and then another hour train ride due to track repairs.  But, as we stepped foot inside the Lilianfels resort, we knew our destination would be well worth the travel.  Auntie Beth and Mary had given us this getaway as a Christmas gift last year, which is the only reason we were lucky enough to be spending the night in this elegant boutique establishment.  Quite frankly, it was one of the most pleasant hotels I've ever stayed in - our room was charmingly decorated in a raspberry-colored toile motif to boot!  It looked a bit like my room at home...

I must also highlight the 3 course gastronomic masterpiece that was our dinner Saturday evening at the award winning Darley's Restaurant, and I do not exaggerate.  As the fog rolled through the mountain vista in front of us, Wilson and I consumed the finest meal we've eaten since arriving here in Sydney.  Just to make your mouth water: twice baked local goat's cheese souffle with shaved fennel and pea sprouts to start followed by milk-fed veal with white asparagus, swiss brown mushrooms, local walnuts, and black truffle butter.  And then, just before our tummies expired, a warm Belgian dark chocolate tart.  Delicious.

The fog began to clear in the morning and we were able to fully enjoy the splendor of the mountains, including the Three Sisters rock formation (that's me, the fourth sister, above).  We finished the morning with a leisurely bushwalk before making our way back to Sydney, fully relaxed and rejuvenated.  After recounting these experiences to Mom and Dad via Skype, Dad commented on how rich our experience has been thus far.  He's exactly right, but it's only because of the profound generosity and support of our families, the Rotary community, and the other friends we've made here in Australia.

Surfs Up

Don't worry . . . that's not me.

But, like the image perhaps suggests, we did learn how to surf this past weekend.  Learning may be a slight exaggeration, but Callie and I did attend the Manly Surf School where we we received a very elementary introduction to the basic concepts and procedures necessary to balance upon a small unstable board as a mass of water propels you violently towards the shore.  It's a lot harder than it looks . . . and it looks hard already.  Undeterred by the difficulty, we enjoyed the experience and afterwards met up for lunch with a Rotary ambassadorial alumni who actually lives in Manly.  The rest of the weekend was primarily spent preparing for exams and working on papers, all of which was not nearly as fun as attempting to surf.

We attended the Rotary District President's Dinner on Friday night to formally farewell the out-going ambassadorial scholars who are leaving at the end of the semester, and we also enjoyed Alabama's exciting, albeit nerve-racking, win against LSU.  Callie has recently been working on danishes and breads, and beyond that, things are pretty normal.  Australia has been euphoric this past week in light of Obama's election, while simultaneously being mildly devastated after losing to India in cricket.  I'll officially be finished with my first semester on Wednesday as exams conclude, and this weekend we have the Rotary Charity Regatta, a high-class, yacht race fundraiser for Sydney's Children's Hospital Randwick, along with a trip to the Blue Mountains.  Hopefully I'll do better on my finals than we did learning how to hang ten.  

The Melbourne Cup: Australia's Kentucky Derby

I know that we just posted yesterday, but I wanted to take this opportunity to talk about one of the many unique Australian traditions we have encountered thus far, The Melbourne Cup.  

On the first Tuesday of November, Australia effectively stops everything to enjoy a day of fancy hats and expensive cocktails and nation-wide gambling that accompanies the thoroughbred racing at the Flemington Racecourse in Melbourne.  People who have never placed a bet in their life take the chance to pick a winner based on the color of the jockey's uniform or the horse's nationality or the position of the lunar calendar.  It is quite simply a spectacular occasion of frivolity.

The race itself is 3,200 meters, and this year's winner in a photo finish was a 40-1 favorite called Viewed.  It was a great race and a fun day, and it is certainly a justifiable excuse to take the day off.   

Markets, Finals, and the U.S. Election

I hope everyone enjoyed Callie's last food post, and while this entry will not be nearly as attractive, we did want to update everyone on what we've been up to the last couple of weeks.  Beginning with last weekend, Callie and I returned to Paddington (see previous posts for a more thorough description) to peruse one of Sydney's many weekend markets.  We browsed through nice clothes and expensive artwork and generally enjoyed the pleasant weather.  We inspected cupcake shops and second-hand book stores and attempted to infiltrate the Victoria Barracks . . . too bad they're still in use.  We walked back along Oxford Street into the city where we met a Rotary GSE (Group Study Exchange) Team from Brazil at the home of Patricia Harrison for a cocktail party over the harbour.  And finally, we finished the evening at the Opera Bar with Dom Blahut and several of his friends.  Needless to say, Sunday was more subdued.

This past week was relatively normal: Callie is still enjoying her classes and exams have officially started for me.  I had a final in Global Environmental Politics on Thursday, but I have this week off to study before the rest of my finals.  Also this past Tuesday, I, along with another Rotary Scholar in the district, Clayton Solomon, did a joint presentation on the U.S. election to the Rotary Club of Sydney.  We discussed the state of the race (which looks to be in the bag) and ruminated on what a McCain or Obama administration might look like in the first 100 days.  The presentation was generally well-received, and I enjoyed the opportunity to reflect from a distance on the nature of this incredibly long and historic event.  

Over the weekend, we met up with some Rotary friends,  John and Jill Henderson for a food-oriented tour of Balmain and Rozelle, two neighborhoods between where we live and the city.  Callie was thoroughly excited about the abundance of coffee shops, bakeries and organic markets, and I think that she received at least half a dozen job offers when they found out she was in culinary school.  Beyond that, we are enjoying Australia's dominance in the Rugby League World Cup, and we are, like the rest of Australia, anxiously awaiting the U.S. election results.  As I mentioned earlier, it looks like Obama will win, but I will confess that I am somewhat disenchanted.  Being in Australia for the last several months has provided me with some distance and perspective on the race that I didn't have when we were at home, especially when I was working for the campaign during the primary.  As Obama and McCain have traded blows over the financial crisis and William Ayers and the strategy for Iraq and Joe the Plumber, it occurred to me that neither of these candidates are quite as good as we had hoped for and expected.  For Obama, a young, intelligent and inspiring figure: there are holes in his claim to bipartisanship, examples of politically motivated flip-flopping, and persistent doubts about the substance of his policy recommendations.  For McCain, a proven, honorable and independent public servant: there are significant questions about his nomination of Sarah Palin, his devotion to the Bush Administration, and the antipathy and vitriol that characterized his campaign over the last several months.  In a race that had so much potential, I would simply offer that each candidate has failed to be the best that they could have been . . . and that's disappointing.  Anyway, we'll see what happens Tuesday (or Wednesday here I guess).